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Introduction Professor Dan Stone, Royal Holloway College, University of London The Henriques Archive Ben Barkow, Director of the Wiener Library Displaced Persons and the Desire for a Jewish National Homeland Dr Michael Brenner, Ludwig-Maximilian University, Munich The Politics of Displaced Persons in Post-War Europe, 1945-1950 Professor Arieh Kochavi, University of Haifa Preparing for a new World Order: UNRRA and the International Management of Refugees Dr Jessica Reinisch, Birkbeck College, University of London A Continual Source of Trouble, The Displaced Persons Camp Bergen-Belsen (Hohne), 1945-1950 Dr Rainer Schulze, University of Essex Displaced Persons, 1945-1950: The social and cultural perspective Dr Angelika Königseder and Dr Juliane Wetzel, Zentrum fur Antisemitismusforschung, Berlin Preparing for a new World Order: UNRRA and the International Management of Refugees Dr Jessica Reinisch, Birkbeck College, University of London
Summary: Dr Reinisch relates the history of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, how it was organised, its role in the administration of the Displaced Person camps and repatriation programmes for DPs.
The United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) was the first truly international organisation set up during World War II to manage the transition from war to peace and to build a new world order. It predated the United Nations Organisation by two years. UNRRA was a temporary body to provide liberated populations with aid and relief, and to make arrangements for the return of refugees and prisoners to their home countries. During its five-year existence UNRRA helped to define lasting approaches to reconstruction, resettlement and political asylum. The documents in this collection give insights into UNRRA's extensive operations from the perspective of British and American government departments collaborating or working in parallel with UNRRA, and from that of a number of smaller relief bodies, which operated under UNRRA's supervision. The documents represent four main themes: (i) war-time planning for post-war relief in the government departments, (ii) UNRRA's structure, constitution and mandate, (iii) UNRRA's day-to-day work in the DP camps in Central Europe and its contact with the military authorities, (iv) and UNRRA's role in international diplomacy and the formulation of repatriation and resettlement policy.
Post-War Planning After 1940, 'post-conflict planning' in London and Washington assumed that the mistakes of the First World War and the interwar years were not to be repeated. The League of Nations, set up by the Versailles Treaty of 1919, had failed to preserve international peace. It had also failed to deal with refugee problems or to address the root causes of flight and resettlement. Fridtjof Nansen's efforts as High Commissioner for Refugees to bring refugees under international protection had met concerted opposition from some member states. Nansen's Office and all successor bodies, including the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees (founded in 1938), had been crippled by a lack of funding and political support.
The challenge for planning committees was now to design a new framework that could prevent another catastrophe and safeguard world security and international collaboration. The idea of resurrecting the old League was rejected early on, and planning committees instead began to draw up blueprints for a completely new international organisation. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt suggested that any post-war peace would have to be maintained by the 'Four Policemen' – the United States, the Soviet Union, Britain and China. Efforts to commit the Big Four to a postwar international organisation received a boost in January 1942, when 26 governments issued a 'Declaration by the United Nations'. The signatories pledged to uphold the Atlantic Charter and agreed not to accept a separate peace with the Axis countries. For the rest of the war, the term 'United Nations' was used to describe the joint efforts by the Allied nations to defeat fascism and Nazism.
However, it also became clear that before a new framework for lasting international peace and security could be negotiated and implemented, a major temporary relief and rehabilitation programme would have to deal with the most serious consequences of the war. Reports on the dire conditions in Europe warned that the relief problem would be much worse than it had been after 1919. The [FO 1052/266, p. 65 and FO 1052/321, p. 60] on the continent would produce a famine far exceeding that in the Volga region in 1921-1922. The potential for an epidemic crisis was at least as severe as it had been when the Influenza pandemic hit the world in 1918-1919. And the refugee problem was also far greater in magnitude, as millions of people had fled or been expelled from their homes. The redrawing of national boundaries and a series of compulsory population transfers affected millions of Poles, Ukrainians, Czechoslovaks, Hungarians, Soviets, Yugoslavs, Italians, Bulgarians, Romanians, and Germans. The German minorities in Eastern Europe had been important building blocks of the Third Reich's foreign policy and efforts to build new racial order. In addition, over 10 million slave labourers had been deported by the Nazis from their homes to work in German factories, mines and agriculture. Malcolm Proudfoot later calculated that over 60 million Europeans were moved from their homes during the War or immediate post-war period.[1]
A number of
Allied organisations thus planned for relief work and humanitarian problems.
Most important was the
Inter-Allied Committee on Post-War Requirements
(the Leith-Ross Committee), established in London in September 1941, which
tabulated the needs and requirements of the liberated territories in Europe. The
Office of Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation Operations
of the US Department of State, established in November 1942 under the leadership of
Herbert H. Lehmann (former Governor of New York), was also a joint
Anglo-American initiative and oversaw relief work in
French North Africa.
These experiences
soon demonstrated that the enormous problems of post-war relief would require
much wider international collaboration. Washington pressed for a broadly
international relief body, but the Soviets were reluctant to surrender their
freedom of action in such a forum. As a compromise,
SHAEF agreed
that Soviet nationals would be segregated from the other
refugees in special centres run by Soviet officers and repatriated regardless
of their wishes. Dean Acheson (Assistant Secretary of State) further negotiated
with Moscow, and discussions then broadened to include other governments. By
the autumn 1943, formal agreement had been reached to establish UNRRA. Organisation On 9 November
1943, 44 nations signed an
agreement to establish UNRRA
at a conference in Washington. Its main tasks were to 'plan, co-ordinate,
administer or arrange for the administration of measures for the relief of
victims of war in any area under the control of any of the United Nations
through the provision of food, fuel, clothing, shelter and other basic
necessities, medical and other essential services'.[2] It was to offer countries assistance in
the resumption of urgently needed agricultural and industrial production, and
the restoration of essential services. Finally, it was to make arrangements for
the return of prisoners and exiles to their homes.[3] From the start UNRRA had been intended as
a temporary body, whose scope and authority was closely defined and limited.
Reconstructing the world was outside its remits, but its founders also wanted
it to provide more than mere 'soup kitchen' charity. It was not to reconstruct,
but to provide relief and means for rehabilitation. As such, 'UNRRA might
restore water supply systems damaged by bombing, but could not install a new
sewage system in a town which never had a sewage system'.[4] The 10 Articles
in the UNRRA Agreement set out the body's carefully crafted constitution and
structure. They provided for: (i) a Council, on which each member government
was represented and which was to meet not less than twice yearly; (ii) a
Central Committee, on which China, the USSR, the UK and the US were
represented, and which made policy decisions between the Council Sessions; and
(iii) a Director-General, to serve as the overall executive and administrative
officer, who was responsible for UNRRA's staff of almost 30,000 people
worldwide. Although the General Council was the policy-determining organ of the
organisation, in practice authority for both policy formation and execution
became centralised in the Central Committee. UNRRA policy and guidelines were
prepared in a series of standing committees, regional committees and technical
sub-committees. Headquarters were set up in Washington, DC, and a European
Regional Office was opened in London. Three Americans acted as
Director-Generals during the organisation's five-year existence:
Herbert H. Lehmann
served from 1 January 1944 until 31 March 1946; the major of New York City,
Fiorello LaGuardia, served from 1 April 1946 until 31 December 1946; and
Major-General Lowell P. Rooks served from 1 January 1947 until 30 September
1948. The Agreement
gave UNRRA the authority to plan, coordinate and implement measures for the
relief of war-victims in areas liberated from axis control. It had power to
acquire, hold and convey property, to enter into contracts and to undertake
obligations appropriate to its purpose. In areas still under military control,
UNRRA had to obtain consent from the military authorities. Elsewhere, UNRRA had
to be invited by the government of the area concerned; UNRRA would then
negotiate an agreement, which specified what supplies it would bring and what
services it would provide. National governments were UNRRA's clients and it
worked through and for them, and only at their request.[5] As Herbert Lehmann explained in February
1945: 'an intergovernmental service agency such as ours acts and must act with
and through the member governments'. He thought that UNRRA could only make
progress because UNRRA's 'staff at all times has been mindful of the fact that
the sovereignty of the individual nation is a basic concept of action in the
United Nations sphere of cooperation. It is this that distinguishes the United
Nations idea from the Axis idea of new orders and co-prosperity spheres'.[6] UNRRA's expenses were
met by two separate budgets: the administrative budget and the general
operating budget for supplies. Each member government agreed to contribute the
approximate equivalent of 1% of its national income per year to the operating
budget. In addition, governments were urged to contribute at least 10% in the
form of credits in local currency available for the purchase of supplies and
services in that country. The main contribution to UNRRA's overall budget was
made by the US (72%). The UK contributed 24%. The USSR contributed very little.
UNRRA's administrative expenses for the whole period of its existence amounted
to $47 million, just over 1% of the total. 22 million tons of supplies were
shipped out by 1948. Expenses connected with UNRRA operations in liberated
enemy areas were to be paid for by the enemy nation concerned, as soon as
payment could be collected. There were two
main components of UNRRA's work in Europe. First, UNRRA carried out a vast
Field Operation which spanned several continents. UNRRA missions in 16
receiving countries provided food, clothing, fuel, drugs, housing and staff,
and supported the resumption of agricultural and industrial production.
Overall, roughly half of UNRRA aid consisted of
food.
The main European beneficiaries were Poland, Greece, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia,
Austria and Italy. Its single largest European country programme took place in
Poland, where it spent over $478 million in the course of two years and shipped in 2.5
million tons of food and supplies. In most receiving countries, an important
initial part of UNRRA's work consisted in emergency health and welfare
provision. Second, in its Displaced Persons Operation, UNRRA provided supplies,
food and personnel for the care and repatriation of the millions of displaced
persons stranded in Europe outside their home countries. UNRRA teams gathered them
into centres and camps
in Germany, Austria and Italy,
and liaised with military and national authorities about their return home. The
German population was explicitly disqualified from receiving UNRRA aid. The DP camps UNRRA's project
of caring for refugees was based on the assumption that it was only a temporary
matter, before their eventual repatriation. When UNRRA teams entered Italy in
mid-1944 and Germany and Austria in the spring of 1945, their first and most urgent task
was to gather up the many DPs who were roaming the countryside, and to
congregate them in camps or assembly centres, where they could be fed, deloused
and vaccinated. In practice, camp accommodation was often extremely makeshift
in character, 'frequently a euphemism designating an open field, or a
bomb-gutted building, or a few tents'.[7]
UNRRA set up and managed thousands of camps in Italy and the western zones of Germany and Austria, but did not operate in the Soviet zones. A major problem
confronting UNRRA's Council, which directly affected its work in the camps, was
the question of
eligibility.
United Nations nationals
who had been forced to flee their homes or who had been shipped to the Reich
made up the majority of the refugees who were eligible for material assistance
and repatriation. Other eligible groups were stateless persons, UN prisoners of
war, and certain categories of internally displaced Italians. Overall, the
Displaced Person category
[FO 371/57700-0005, p.6,
and
WO 204/3500, p.59],
reserved for a certain class of refugees, was also a status which entitled the
holder to special care and support. It contained not simply some of the people
most in need of support (the emaciated survivors of concentration camps and
slave labourers), but also those most deserving of it. Not only were former
enemy nationals (including the ethnic German refugees) not eligible for UNRRA
assistance, but collaboration with the Axis power also often overruled claims
to eligibility on the basis of citizenship. The DP category was, as a result,
fiercely contested, as many refugees tried to qualify for the benefits it entailed.
UNRRA screening boards were instructed to identify collaborators and otherwise
ineligible refugees, who then automatically became a responsibility of the
German and Austrian authorities. During the spring
and summer 1945, the ranks of the DPs already in Germany and Austria were further increased by thousands of refugees fleeing from Eastern European
countries. Refugees who entered the American zones before 1 August 1945 were
granted the DP status if they otherwise complied with the eligibility criteria;
in the British zones the cut-off point was 1 June 1946. As it became clear that
many of the refugees would stay longer than anticipated, the camps were turned
into more permanent installations and equipped with nurseries, kindergartens,
schools, vocational training centres, shops, hospitals and specialists clinics.
UNRRA was a major employer of DPs. But although UNRRA's mission was 'to help
the DPs to help themselves', in practice it relied on German employees
(including cooks, cleaners, carpenters, tailors and physicians) to run the
camps. UNRRA's relations with the military authorities in Germany and Austria were often strained, not least since UNRRA was largely dependent on military
supplies. Repatriation
Repatriation
proceeded very quickly
during the first weeks after the end of war, and by early July, 2,326,000 of
the 5,800,000 DPs in Germany had returned to their home countries.[8] But while the
repatriation of Western European nationals proved unproblematic, it soon
appeared that many of the Displaced Persons from Poland, the Soviet Union and
the Baltic states refused to be repatriated to areas now under Soviet or
Communist control. This produced clashes between the Western and Eastern member
governments within UNRRA's Council. The Soviet Union argued that only
'collaborationists' would refuse to be return, and insisted on the repatriation
of every citizen to his home country, regardless of the individual's wishes.
Other member states pointed out that they could not supply the DP camps for an
indefinite period of time. London and Washington opposed forced repatriation,
but had agreed with the USSR in October 1944 that all
Soviet citizens would be returned.
Matters were further complicated by the fact that
UNRRA only had a mandate to care for the DPs awaiting their repatriation, and
had no authority to care for those who refused to return, or to put in place
resettlement schemes. By the summer of
1945, almost 1.5 million refugees had expressed their unwillingness to be
repatriated.[9]
Twelve months later, repatriation had slowed almost to a standstill. In
February 1947, there were still 264,000 DPs in the British zone of Germany,
367,000 DPs in the American zone, and 36,000 in the French zone.[10]
The Soviet authorities claimed that UNRRA assistance in fact encouraged DPs to
resist repatriation, and demanded that UNRRA desisted from giving aid to those
who refused to return.[11] But even UNRRA's institution of a
Sixty Day Ration Plan,
according to which all DPs
willing to be repatriated were issued with food rations for a period of two
months at the frontiers of their home countries, had little effect. The files
contain a series of proposals to deal with the problem of the non-repatriable
refugees.[12]
The tensions between the Soviet Union and the Western Allies on other issues
finally led London and Washington to conclude that repatriation was no longer a
viable solution to the refugee problem. The only means left open was
resettlement, which was out of UNRRA's remit. Legacy UNRRA's DP
Operation was initially to be dissolved at the end of 1946, but its mandate was
then extended until 30 June 1947. The
International Refugee Organisation
(IRO) took over from UNRRA to deal with the non-repatriable refugees, and was
itself replaced by UNHCR in 1951. UNRRA's remaining assets and personnel were
distributed among the
Food and Agriculture Organisation
(FAO), the IRO, the World Health Organisation (WHO), and the United Nations
Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF). UNRRA's political legacy is harder to pin
down. It seems clear that UNRRA was a test case for the strength of support for
a post-war international cooperation in the context of a new United Nations
authority. Unlike its predecessors, UNRRA included both the United States and Soviet Union on its Council. Unlike its successors, it operated extensively in Eastern Europe. Jan Masaryk [search: Masaryk] , for example, thought in March 1944 that the
successes of UNRRA as 'the first great agency of the United Nations' would have
'great repercussions on the new forms of international organisation which will
follow rapidly as we approach the end of the war and the beginning of the great
era of reconstruction'.[13]
As Cold War
tensions escalated, the Americans claimed that
relief supplies had become political weapons
and were used by hostile governments to entrench themselves.[14]
The Cold War thus made UNRRA's work increasingly untenable. Although UNRRA had
a short life, it occupied the minds of those who formulated later aid schemes.
It provided direct lessons for the Marshall Plan, that ambitious and
far-reaching American initiative to sponsor the recovery and reconstruction of
Western and Southern Europe, which was initiated just as UNRRA was being
dissolved. The lack of American political control over UNRRA operations in
Eastern Europe prompted Undersecretary of State, William Clayton, to say of the
future Marshall Plan that, this time, 'The United States must run this show!'.[15]
While the Marshall Plan itself did not explicitly distinguish between Western
and Eastern spheres, the logic behind it undoubtedly did. Marshall aid, unlike
UNRRA provisions, were not accepted by Eastern European countries, and the Soviet Union was not involved. It left no room for doubt about American commitment to the
security of Western Europe. Citation: Jessica Reinisch,
'UNRRA and the international management of refugees', Post-War Europe:
Refugees, Exile and Resettlement, 1945-1950, Cengage Learning EMEA Ltd, Reading
2007 [1]
For example, FO 1052/302, Liaison notes, Director of DP Branch to HQ, Combined
Displaced Persons Executive (CDPX), BAOR, 1 September 1945; Malcolm Proudfoot,
European Refugees, 1939-1952: a study in forced population movements (Evanston,
Ill., 1956). [2] UNRRA Agreement, Articles 1 and 2. [3] Helping the People to Help Themselves: the Story of the
United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, H.M.Stationary Office,
(London, 1944). [4] ibid [5] For example, George Woodbridge, UNRRA: the History
of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, (Columbia
University Press, New York, 1950) Vol.1, p.12. [6] UN Archives, S-1021-0143-35,14 February 1945,
Herbert Lehman address before the Washington Chapter. [7] UN Archives, S-1021-0080-08, Dr Sainz de la Pena, History
Report No.23 (Health Division), September 1947. [8] FO 371/51095, Joint Staff Mission, Washington to Allied Military Staff Special Operations, 2 July 1946. Arieh Kochavi,
'British Policy on non-repatriable Displaced Persons in Germany and Austria, 1945-1947', European History Quarterly, Vol.21, No.3, July 1991, pp.365-382,
here p.365. [9] Proudfoot, as above, pp.238/9. Kochavi, as above, p.367.
Proudfoot, pp.238-9, Kochavi. ibid. [10] FO 371/57778, memorandum on 'Refugees and Displaced
Persons', March 1947. FO 371/66667, memorandum on 'Displaced Persons in Germany', 21 April 1947. [11] FO 371/51098, Paul Mason (Head of the Refugee
Department), Memorandum, 2 August 1945. John George Stoessinger, The Refugee
and the World Community (Minneapolis, 1956), esp. p.60-65 [12] For example, FO 371/51128, Lt.Gen. B.H.Robertson, Chief
of Staff British Zone, to the Permanent Under-Secretary of State, COGA, 8
December 1945. FO 371/51128, Douglas MacKillop (head of the Refugee Department)
to Gottlieb, 22 December 1945. FO 371/5770, 'The problem of non-repatriable
refugees', 9 November 1945. FO 945/360, minutes of meeting, 27 June 1946. [13] FO 371/38956, Jan Masaryk, 'Czechoslovakia Looks East and
West', 13 March 1944 [14] Dean Acheson, Present at the Creation: My years in
the State Department, (New York, 1969 reissued 1987), p.201. [15] Foreign Relations of the United States, May 1947, vol. 3. Back to top |
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